My last post was a reblogging of a post from last year, where I suggested some tips for the Republican Party to move forward. A few other recent ones have dealt with their “Growth &Opportunity Project” document. I’m not the only one who has been digging around through it, and analyzing it, and some of what they’ve pointed out, along with comments here, have led me to decide to suggest some additional “tips” for the Republicans.
These suggestions are built off of the last point in my previous post: recognize that it’s the 21′st century. As I said then:
Because most of your talk about “good old American traditional values,” etc., last existed in 1900, and were on their way out then. That was the year that the population started becoming a “majority urban” instead of a “majority rural” population.
Instead of today’s:
Most of the population is urban, it’s much more diverse demographically, we live in a connected world, and in case you missed it, women can vote.
A lot of the Republican “path forward” was devoted to how to communicate their message with various minority groups, youth, and women, to attract them to the party. In the comments of my posts on that subject, one of the points I made was “actions speak louder than words.” Which is why they are losing all of those categories. In fact, it’s many of those same actions which has cost them membership. Quite a number of independents are former Republicans. Not people who decided they were really liberals, but people who still think of themselves as “conservative,” but just can’t abide what the Republican Party has become. So here’s my “tips.”
1) Stop being racist. No, really. I know that there’s a lot of talk about “minority outreach” in their “plan” moving forward, but it runs right into that brick wall. Want examples?
The first is the systematic effort by Republicans across the country to impose voter-identification laws that would mainly serve to disenfranchise minority voters.
The second is what many people regarded as the thinly veiled racism that lay at the root of the “birther” attacks claiming President Obama is a Muslim born outside the United States.
While Republican Party officials have piously denied any racist motives themselves, the reality is that they, if not actively encouraging it, were definitely condoning it. It’s already been admitted by several party strategists that the impetus to implement voter ID laws were not based on any concern about “fraud,” but rather just to make it more difficult for minority voters who they thought (correctly) would vote Democratic. On my blog roll, there are several “anti-birther” sites, and I’ve been following that movement for a considerable time. I’ve watched various Republican officials embrace it, or if not that, rather half-heartedly deny it. That wasn’t missed by the black community, either:
The other was numerous GOP figures’ perpetuation of the racist “birther” lie against President Obama without so much as a corrective “Oh, no you don’t” from the party establishment. On this latter point, Green wrote, “I’ll leave it to those better qualified than I am to say precisely what effect this had on minorities’ view of the GOP….”
Considering I’m African American and have hammered the Republican Party establishment for its complicity in furthering the delegitimizing lie that Obama wasn’t born in this country (and thus occupying the Oval Office illegally), let me talk about the effect this had.Blacks hated it — and continue to hate it.
Kemp was unsuccessful at either of his major initiatives: enacting enterprise zones and promoting public housing tenant ownership. The goal of these two plans was to change public housing into tenant-owned residences and to lure industry and business into inner cities with federal incentives.Kemp fought White House Budget Director Richard Darman, who opposed Kemp’s pet project HOPE (Homeownership and Opportunity for People Everywhere). The project involved selling public housing to its tenants. Darman also opposed Kemp’s proposed welfare adjustment of government offsets. HOPE was first proposed to White House chief of staff John Sununu in June 1989 to create enterprise zones, increase subsidies for low-income renters, expand social services for the homeless and elderly, and enact tax changes to help first-time home buyers. Sununu opposed it at first as did most of the Cabinet, but in August 1990 Sununu, at the urging of United States Attorney General Dick Thornburgh, encouraged President Bush to endorse Kemp’s Economic Empowerment Task Force.